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By Dominic Pasura (auth.)

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Extra info for African Transnational Diasporas: Fractured Communities and Plural Identities of Zimbabweans in Britain

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The scattering of white Zimbabweans from the country has been phenomenal. Godwin (1993, p. 315) estimates that ‘the white population of 232,000 in mid1979 become about 80,000 in 1990’. As Selby (2006, p. 116) further argues, the pattern of emigration ‘suggests that significant numbers of whites were unwilling to accept the prospects of living as a minority group under majority rule’. However, for Stoneman and Cliffe (1989), the majority of white skilled artisans who left were also scared of competition with black Zimbabweans in the job market.

But as Faist (2010, p. 33) warns us, ‘one may debate endlessly about the exact status of diaspora and transnationalism as so-called dance partners’. A framework for understanding African diasporas Diasporas in the contemporary world are defined by their participation in transnational practices and activities (Bakewell, 2008). But not all diasporas have continued transnational relations as some diasporas have ceased to maintain homeland linkages. It can be inferred that diasporas with no homeland connections cannot be defined as transnational.

Defining who should move, when, why and where was part of the Rhodesian government’s efforts to control and exploit people, and this may be applied to the whole of Southern Africa. As Mazur argues, (1986, p. 62) ‘the control of a migrant labour force was a fundamental characteristic of Rhodesia’s development throughout the 20th century. ’ Ranney (1985, p. 511) summarizes the 30 African Transnational Diasporas three options that a potential black migrant faced as ‘no migration; temporary migration; and permanent migration’.

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